Pur mancandomi le competenze specifiche per poter stabilire con chiarezza i danni provocati da propaganda ed indottrinamento so per certo che questi possono presentarsi trasversalmente rispetto a livello di istruzione, ceto sociale, reddito ed età (magari in percentuali differenziate parametricamente ma nessuno è immune per definizione); a volte è semplicemente una propria "sfortuna" quella di essere più ricettivi verso certi messaggi (velati o diretti che siano), altre volte la sfortuna si manifesta nel quando certi messaggi ti trovano più vulnerabile o nel come ti vengono proposti (tutti abbiamo debolezze irrazionali, tutti abbiamo qualcuno del cui parere ci importa tanto da accantonare almeno in parte il pensiero critico, tutti abbiamo paure manipolabili), ed il problema è che per quanto una mente possa essere forte se viene martellata troppo duramente e/o troppo a lungo prima o poi potrà solo spezzarsi o portare il proprio pilota alla fuga (perché contro l'attacco di un simile "avversario universale" combattere non è un'opzione, non si ha speranza di rispondere con la propria sola forza).
"Important Stories" è un'organizzazione mediatica fondata da noti giornalisti investigativi russi. Siamo stati dichiarati "organizzazione indesiderabile" e "agente straniero" dalle autorità russe per le nostre numerose indagini su corruzione e crimini di guerra. Nonostante questa pressione, continuiamo a lavorare per voi.
Sul nostro canale YouTube troverete indagini, rapporti e documentari.
Consiglio questo documentario indipendente russo sottotitolato in inglese che fa parlare tedeschi e studiosi (esperti) tedeschi e austriaci:
Solo negli anni '60 le nuove generazioni tedesche iniziarono a chiedere ai propri genitori "cosa stavate facendo o cosa faceste durante il Terzo Reich?". Allora emerse la discussione e la riflessione pubblica sul tipo di responsabilità. The feeling of "secondary guilt" (il mantenimento all'interno dell'ambito della propria solidarietà di coloro che hanno compiuto atti malvagi). [...] "One topic was not addressed for a long time, and that was the responsability of people who served in the army. There was a narrative that the simple private who served in the army was not to blame, and then, in the '80...". "What they tell about nazi crimes in german schools". "You should try to understand why people did that". "What kind of responsability we have to remember this past, to talk about it in the present and to use it as a tool to build a different kind of future. So for us this is really - sort of - the heart of the german democracy is reflecting upon what has happened and what kind of responsability Germany has". "[...] and I think that the threat of the authoritarian is far from over (immagini di Putin che parla alla folla durante il suo show) and we have to learn from history, how to counter what's coming. And we don't learn by just feeling morally good because we are much better... [...] that's way too simple". "[...]life in a democracy is sometimes messy, but it's really worth to have this 'messy situation', to constantly reflect what is going on... [...] what are the core values of our society". "Germany had to become much smaller for the peace in Europe". Il luogo del bunker dove Hitler si uccise è oggi un parcheggio.
14 agosto:
12 novembre:
Sempre in maggioranza, ma l'approvazione sta calando.
Age appears to be a major factor in the responses. In the 18- to 45-year-old category, about 40% of respondents said they think it was right to start the war. Younger respondents, who make up a quarter of the population and generally get their information from the internet, account for most of the overall drop in support for the war since the start of the fighting.
Another interesting nuance is that, among younger people, there has been a sharp increase in the number of respondents replying "unsure" — now at 36%. This might be a way to avoid answering the question, according to Yekaterina Schulmann, a political scientist and researcher at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. "It’s possible that a respondent thinks the answer he wants to give is the wrong one, so he doesn’t give it,” she said.
Yudin attributed the rising number of “unsure” responses to Russia’s “partial” mobilization announced in September. "People are terribly afraid. They suspect that the polls are being conducted by the state and that they are being observed,” he said.
We spoke to several leading experts to try and explain this contradiction. According to Schulmann, people are taking a "we shouldn't have started it, but we must go on" attitude because they realize Russia is losing. “The notion of defeat leads people to the conclusion that the military operation must not end now — ‘We can’t leave when we’re losing.’ People are afraid of the consequences of military defeat,” Schulmann said.
Expert Yudin suggested that a shift in Russia’s propaganda output was the cause. "Recently, propagandists have been pushing the idea that it isn’t so important if it was right or wrong for Russia to start all this. But now it’s allegedly clear that Russia is fighting against NATO, and Russia will be crushed if it doesn’t win," he said.
Denis Volkov, director of the Levada Center, said sociologists observed a similar phenomenon in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimea and started a conflict in eastern Ukraine.
However, Volkov points out that, when respondents are offered an alternative like peace talks (such as in Levada Center
polls), a growing number of people choose this option. "The general mood is to end everything quickly, but without major concessions," Volkov said, adding that support for negotiations grew after mobilization.
Since the summer, the number of people who believe the war is not going to plan has been growing steadily. According to the latest data, this recently reached its highest level: 42%. At the same time, the number of respondents who believe the war is going as planned has been trending downward. The latest figure in November is the lowest ever — just 22%.
Both younger and older generations are generally in agreement on this question. But, among Russians aged 18-45, there was a noticeable surge in awareness of military failures after the announcement of mobilization.
The surrender of Kherson and other military defeats amid the successful counteroffensive conducted by the Ukrainian Armed Forces have not had a serious impact on people's opinions, but they have created a negative background, Levada Center’s Volkov said.
"There is a growing number of people who believe the war is not going well, but when you ask why, their first response is that it has dragged on [too long], which means that things have not gone according to plan. The second most popular answer is the declaration of mobilization, which means the professional military is failing,” Volkov said.
“These polls reflect Russian society as inert and frightened; a country with a broken back,” said Schulmann. “This is not bad news for the authoritarian political model since you can do anything with citizens like this — everything except mobilize.”
Avevo intenzione di collegare un articolo del FT relativo agli ultimi attacchi alle basi aeree russe sulla possibile strategia ucraina di colpire in profondità nel territorio della Federazione per scuotere la popolazione russa sulla questione dell'impunità e del sentirsi al sicuro mentre il loro Paese li invade, ma il post è già troppo lungo, quindi nel caso mi autoquoto aggiungendolo in un momento successivo.
"The lies are pervasive and it's a part of Russian and
I think Putin's political culture to assume that you know that I know that you know that I'm lying."
Fa molto strano pensare che in Italia ci sono persone che dubitano meno dei media statali russi rispetto agli stessi russi di quelle interviste.
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Istituzioni italiane ed europee bastonano e ridicolizzano l'abuso cazzaro del concetto di "russofobia". Persino gli ucraini che protestano, dalla cui posizione potrebbero desiderare di più e a cui i russi (forze armate, leadership attuale, media statali e mainstream, propagandisti, sostenitori della guerra nei sondaggi),
oltre a negarne cultura ed identità nazionale, hanno ammazzato un direttore d'orchestra perché rifiutatosi di suonare per loro, invitano al boicotaggio
"finché la Russia non cesserà l'invasione". Immaginando un'ipotetica reazione della propaganda russa, direi che potrebbe essere qualcosa di diplomaticamente mellifluo, sparato per cascare, secondo loro, comunque in piedi, del tipo "apprezziamo che abbiate deciso, con questo evento, di non essere russofobi", in modo tale da non spostare la questione fuori dall'unica, artefatta chiave di lettura dicotomica del binomio "russofobia o non russofobia".
Milan's La Scala theatre opened its 2022-2023 opera season on Wednesday with a gala performance of the Russian work "Boris Godunov" as protesters against the Ukrainian war demonstrated outside the venue.
www.reuters.com
Around 20 people outside the theatre waved the blue and yellow Ukrainian flag and held up placards denouncing Russian President Vladimir Putin for the invasion of Ukraine in February.
"Russia must be isolated. We want to be free," said Tatiana Slyusarenko, who is originally from the Ukrainian town of Irpin and has been living in Italy since 2005.
She questioned why La Scala had not changed its programme over the nine months since the war began.
"Russian culture only when the war is over," read one of the placards.
Boicotaggio temporaneo =/= cancellazione definitiva. Questa è cancellazione definitiva (non essendo invasi, bensì invasori, non dovendo affrontare una minaccia esistenziale, bensì scatenandola contro un altro Paese):
Ukrainian authorities say invasion accompanied by destruction and pillaging of historical sites and treasures
www.voanews.com
The attempted destruction of Ukraine’s historic culture by invading Russian forces, will have a devastating impact on the pace of recovery in the post-war era, an independent UN human rights expert warned on Wednesday.
news.un.org
Employees of russia’s Prosveshcheniye publishing group are removing “inappropriate” references to Ukraine and Kyiv from all school textbooks
chytomo.com
On February 24, Vladimir Putin announced the beginning of his "special military operation", and the Russian troops invad...
en.zona.media
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Non ho trovato posizioni politiche del basso Ildar Abdrazakov o del soprano Anna Denisova, né del regista Kasper Holten, sull'invasione dell'Ucraina.
Italy’s premier opera house has opened its new season with the Russian opera “Boris Godunov.”
abcnews.go.com
La Scala management have insisted that “Boris Godonov” was not propaganda for Putin. Still, Russian media widely reported on the production, focusing on officials' dismissals of the Ukrainian protests. Russian state TV was also on hand for opening night.
Io non penso che la questione si chiuda/risolva col distinguo relativo al contenuto dell'opera, penso che essa (la questione) possa prescindere da ciò.
“I don’t know why Italians tend to think Russian culture does not have anything to do with Russian government or the Russian people. It is all intertwined with the medieval mentality that created Putin,’’ said Valeriya Kalchenko, a native of the Ukrainian city of Kharkiv and long-time Milan resident who organized a protest.
She noted that the Polish National Opera in Warsaw canceled its scheduled April performances of the same opera just days after Russia invaded Ukraine in late February, citing the suffering of the Ukrainian people. It said it would consider staging the opera in peacetime.
“They could have reacted in the same way, because La Scala at the beginning of the war had nine months to substitute the opera with an Italian opera. There is no shortage of them; it is an Italian art form,’’ Kalchenko said.
Zoia Stankovska said that “muting” Russian culture during the war “would be a gesture, a sign of solidarity, with Ukrainians, and a clear message as long as the aggression is ongoing."
Il 10 novembre:
A Ukrainian diplomat has written to the head of Milan's La Scala opera house and to local political leaders to protest over plans to stage the Russian opera "Boris Godunov" next month.
www.reuters.com
La richiesta del console di rivedere le scelte artistiche, tra cui la Prima con un'opera russa: "Cultura usata per dare peso a grandezza e potenza"
www.milanotoday.it
Andrii Kartysh, who heads Ukraine's consulate in Milan, said such performances should not be used to support "potential elements of propaganda", Italy's Ansa news agency reported on Thursday.
Kartysh accused Russia of "using culture to lend weight to its assertions of greatness and power" following its invasion of Ukraine in February.
Several associations representing Ukrainians living in Italy have also protested against the choice of Mussorgsky's classic work at this time. They have called for a different opera to be staged and for no Russian works to be put on until the war is over.
Secondo il console, le scelte artistiche della Scala per la stagione 2022/2023 (il 'Boris Godunov' per la Prima, ma anche altre rappresentazioni di musica russa e un concerto di Anna Netrebko) hanno generato "grande disappunto e rammarico" presso la comunità ucraina in Italia. E questo perché "la cultura - si legge nella lettera - viene utilizzata dalla Federazione Russa per dare peso all'asserzione della sua grandezza e potenza". Di conseguenza, "assecondare la sua propagazione non può che nutrire l'immagine del regime ivi vigente al giorno d'oggi, e dunque, per estensione, le sue ambizioni scellerate e i suoi innumerevoli crimini".
Il rischio, sottinteso dal console, è che i media russi strumentalizzino le scelte artistiche della Scala per descrivere, all'interno della Federazione Russa, popoli occidentali contrari al sostegno all'Ucraina durante la guerra. La lettera si conclude con l'invito di Kartysh a "rivedere il programma della stagione al fine di bloccare eventuali elementi propagandistici" e l'auspicio ad "avvicinare il momento in cui i confini dell'Ucraina, e con essi la pace nel nostro continente, saranno ripristinati",
così che la cultura russa possa "tornare ad essere svincolata dalla sua realtà politica" ed essere "apprezzata liberamente, senza rimorsi dettati dall'etica".